What is the reasoning for the Grand Paris? What does the transformation of the relationship between Paris and its suburbs imply? “Searching for the Grand Paris” is an original MOOC featuring accounts from residents, association representatives, experts, and researchers. It also contains archival footage and documents, as well as a comparative analysis of Brussels, London, and other French cities. The MOOC combines historical and comparative approaches with a discussion of controversial topics. It also reflects upon the notion of scale and questions what is at stake in the implementation of the Grand Paris. It discusses the evolution of Paris and its region, as well as issues such as ethnic and social segregation, economic growth, safety, the environment, housing, transportation, city construction, education, and culture. “Searching for the Grand Paris” is not exclusively directed towards universities. It is free and for the general public. This dynamic, even lively, MOOC was made in collaboration with students from the University of Science Po (Paris Institute of Political Studies), along with many other contributors. TEACHER : Patrick Le Galès (politist and sociologist) PREREQUISITE There is no required prerequisite for this course. PLAN DU COURS Session 1: Metropolization and Economic Growth Session 2: Population and Migration Session 3: Housing and Construction Session 4: Transportation and Mobility Session 5: Law enforcement and Environment Session 6: Culture and Education EVALUATION This MOOC offers a final MCQ. PEDAGOGICAL TEAM Héloïse Thibault, Valentine Quinio, Judith Lienhard, Ninon Beillard, Juliette Guichardet, Odile Gaultier-Voituriez, Miyuki Tsuchiya, Maxime Crépel, Pôle Audiovisuel Sciences Po TERMS OF USE All rights reserved PARTNERS Mairie de Paris | Ecole urbaine de SciencesPo Paris | Grand Public
ITW - MARCO OBERTI ET PHILIPPE COULANGEON
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来自 Sciences Po 的课程
Searching for the Grand Paris
8 个评分
从本节课中
Session 6: Culture and Education
与讲师见面
Patrick Le Galès
Centre d'études européennes
"Searching for the Grand Paris"
"Culture and education: the suburbs versus Paris?"
-It is the result of a historical process,
which, very early in the development of the city,
led to a distinction between one part, North, North West,
much more industrial, much more working class,
which was also the area that historically welcomed immigrants
or those descended from immigrants,
and a western part,
which was more privileged, less industrialized,
which had, apart from the exceptions
in the northern part of the Hautes-de-Seine
and the Seine Valley, Mantes-la-Jolie, Les Mureaux, and so on,
much less working-class industry.
So, we see something...
A historical process, a process of differentiation
between one part, the North, North West, more working class,
and then the West, the western regions,
much more residential, and much less industrial.
And so, the result of this process
is that educational excellence is concentrated in one area,
in the West, but not in the East.
Areas such as Saint-Germain-en-Laye, Versailles, Sceaux, Reuilly-Malmaison,
to point only at a few cities that have been gathering for a long time
educational excellence, both public and private,
which results in an advantage
in terms of attractiveness and reputation,
in both sectors.
This lasts from junior high school until preparatory class.
It is not so much a difference in the number of public establishments
between the East and the West
that explains this difference.
When we when we look at these establishments qualitatively,
at the people that they accept,
at what the school has to offer,
then we see that there are qualitative differences,
which show reputations and hierarchies
that are very influential throughout the region.
Fundamentally, there is a difference in achievement
and how popular a school is,
between the majority of establishments in Seine-Saint-Denis,
to take an example in this department,
and the majority of those in Hauts-de-Seine.
It is the combination
of a very different profile of social and ethnic intake
and a differently structured educational offering,
with the aim of accommodating,
particularly in priority education areas,
pupils mainly from disadvantaged working-class backgrounds.
And so, the establishment's policies and the educational policies
are centered on the priority education areas,
which constitute the everyday situation for most of Seine-Saint-Denis.
In a large part of the Hauts-de-Seine and some parts of the Yvelines,
the priority is to maintain the rivalry
between the academically superior establishments.
So, we can see that the reasons behind the educational differentiation
reflect the reasons behind urban segregation
and the importance of an establishment's reputation
that charaterize French school system.
We must also understand
that there is an ambiguity surrounding the idea of positive discrimination,
whether housing-based or school-based.
Basically, if we take the example of priority education areas,
we can understand the logic behind them,
of giving more to schools that accept pupils
who are struggling academically.
But one of the negative effects
of targeting certain establishments,
of labelling them "priority education areas"
is that it makes the parents uncomfortable
because they associate this label with an establishment in difficulty.
Therefore, they will anticipate,
through school avoidance or through other educational strategies,
and avoid "taking the risk" of sending children to school,
who, through this labelling,
through the fact that they benefit from a positive discrimination policy,
will be perceived as being more disadvantaged than others.
You can see the contradiction and the ambiguity here
between the desire to give these schools additional resources,
precisely because they accept more disadvantaged pupils,
but consequently, because of this program,
they are labelled and stigmatised.
So we can see clearly the limitations of school policy
when it comes to desegregation.
Fundamentally,
it would be better to take more action on the residential front,
with more desegregation measures
in terms of housing.
Then, we would be in a position to think about the education sector
which would be more diversified, more mixed.
-The evolution of the role of culture in schools is...
rather paradoxical.
It is an apparent paradox, but actually...
One feature of the education system from the past 50 years
is a continuous movement
towards making primary and secondary education more accessible
and, to a certain extent today, higher education.
The influence of schools on society
has never been as strong as it is now.
The proportion of French people
who are exposed, for a long duration,
to the influence of school has never been as large as it is now.
We don't live anymore in a society in which only the elite,
only a minority of the population,
has the privilege of a longer education.
Therefore, we believe
that this increased influence schools have on society,
which is the consequence of the rise of mass education,
this increased influence on society should go hand in hand with...
this prescriptive role in regard to culture,
which is becoming stronger.
Yet, it is the opposite of that.
In fact, it is only an apparent paradox.
In making school more available to the masses,
access is given to people
who are less socially and culturally aware
of an institution's expected education standards.
In other words, other external influences are allowed in
and the door is opened to forms of prescription
which work the other way round,
not from educational institution towards the pupils.
These forms of prescriptions could be, not from the bottom up,
but more horizontal forms of prescription between pupils,
which can escape, more or less completely,
from the school's symbolic and cultural authority.
It is not a completely new movement,
the influence, the prescriptive role
of prevailing trends, youth culture.
It emerged in the 1960s,
and went on to develop
in a society where the vast majority of adolescents and young people
are now in education or something similar.
I think it is an extremely important question
related to the issues of culture and education.
One part, which we call educational discontent, or teacher discontent,
can result from this cultural shift
and the loss of symbolic authority
of schools, headteachers and teachers,
with regard to the school population which, to put it bluntly,
is not easily taken in...
They are a lot less passive, in some ways.
I say that with no value judgement.
They are a lot less...
a lot more reluctant to vertical forms of cultural prescription.
I think that is something important to remember
if you want to analyse the evolution
of the relationship between teachers and their pupils.
I think it is an issue that...
Here, we are talking about it in kind of theoretical way,
but I think it is an issue that the majority of teachers have experienced.
And the older teachers, throughout their career,
have had tangible experience
of the evolution of school's role regarding cultural prescription.
